The countries chosen for study capture the diversity of European experience to facilitate an analysis of the extent to which trade union strategies for promoting competence development at work are influenced by national conceptions of competence, systems of vocational training and models of social dialogue.
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The work confirms that diversity in these three domains presents challenges both for developing coherent policies at EU level and for implementing consistent trade union actions locally. Steel workforces are being recomposed in decisive ways, beginning to move away from predominantly male workers, with few formal qualifications and skilled by work experience. Increasingly, recruitment strategies focus on the recruitment of a more diverse range of highly qualified people, and movement through the occupational hierarchy is increasingly based on merit and qualifications.
One implication of these developments is that questions arise about skills formation and employability. European Union policies on work organisation and employment in the steel industry both set the scene for the reconfiguration of workforces as well as point to flaws in addressing these changes.
Two sets of policies are relevant here, those directed at work organisation and employment relations and those concerned with vocational education and training VET. Steel employer strategies increasingly rest on promoting a re-composition of the steel workforce around minimally qualified operators and a younger, qualified replacement class, supported by qualified auxiliary staff in marketing, commercial relations, human resource management and the like.
In this context, unions have underwritten these trends and developments by failing to embrace comprehensive and alternative learning and training strategies, which begin with the interests of staff, rather than those of the employer. The outcome is a fragmented workforce and an increasingly vulnerable workforce. There are two sides to the analysis. First we argue that the steel workforce is being recomposed in the context of an EU driven strategy to achieve partially contradictory aims: a flexible but diverse steel workforce.
While this restructuring takes place within changing patterns of ownership, deregulation, technological innovation and the reorganisation of production chains, these public policy initiatives on work and employment shape the pattern of restructuring under way. Second, and following on from the first point, we argue that the restructuring in process rests on particular assumptions about training and learning, whereby progressive learning strategies are promoted for young, formally qualified workers, while the rest suffice with regressive practices.
For the latter group, paradoxically, this means that they are left in a vulnerable position, with little prospect of skills enhancement or long-term employability in the industry. This presentation will review the results of research to date on the Pathways project. Yet, labour shortages in rural areas are becoming an increasing challenge, especially for those employers whose wages are not at the top of the regional wage scale.
Whereas agricultural employers have long solved their labour shortage by hiring migrant workers, this has not been a widespread practice outside of agriculture. This paper maps out how employers in our case study have struggled to address the labour shortage issue, developing recruitment strategies aimed especially at immigrant or migrant communities, older workers especially older women with limited retirement income , women more generally and high school drop-outs.
After examining employer recruitment strategies, the paper turns its attention to the ways in which government policies have impacted on these recruitment strategies and their relative success, concluding with a discussion of the possibilities of and limits to policy solutions to the labour shortage in rural areas. As such, they have ownership rights to and financial claims on the use by others of their creative output. These rights are enshrined in the notion of copyright and in the copyright laws of the countries where their output is used.
In recent years, globalization and the rapid development of new digital technologies and dissemination techniques have played havoc with the regulation of intellectual property rights. Copyright laws are being re-written. New digital media are more ephemeral than old media, making it more difficult to trace and capture i. With special attention to the film and video industry, this paper traces the current turmoil in the intellectual property regulation regime and suggests public policy responses in the interests of the workers in the field.
But as firms have increasingly reduced their emphasis on vertical integration in favor of disaggregated value chains, loosening their long-term ties to their workers, unions have found themselves structurally at a loss. At the same time, institutions that serve as intermediaries for independent workers, performing many of the functions formerly the province of corporate Personnel Management, have grown rapidly. The question is whether these intermediary institutions can be developed as a model for employment security through the aggregation of independent workers.
Workshop 2. Economist Richard Freeman has provocatively suggested that US labor policy be returned fully to the states so that new pro-worker approaches might be implemented. He contends that the Wagner Act framework has so failed workers that state policies however varied would likely be better. State-based reform faces difficult challenges. In the US, federal law may preempt state action. Second, mobile employers tend to punish states or provinces which favor workers with new rights and protections.
Third, global trade rules privilege the rights of capital. I propose to examine the work of movements and organizations that are testing the limits of state-based activism.
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Paper Workshop 2. Francine A. Over the course of the project, an overlapping concern emerged for transforming old identities, based on social movements for equality from the s and s, into new thinking, rhetoric and strategies that transcend status quo identity politics. In particular, these changes were viewed within the context of an emerging new managerial enterprise culture adapted onto the world stage by globalization. Together, all three themes provide a broad background for comparative insights into the new economy in the U. These themes also bring a critical interdisciplinary perspective to bear on identifying newly emerging contradictions and challenges for achieving social equality in a rapidly changing economy and restructured workplace.
Thus, we will first set out a few typologies of family policies, in particular that of Hantrais and Letablier Second, we will present a history of Canadian and Quebec policies regarding parental leave and childcare services while attempting to situate them in relation to this typology. It will be seen that recent developments and the change of federal government in early have made it difficult to classify Canada and Quebec in the same category, contrary to what might be expected.
Third, we will make use of available Canadian data on use of parental leave which show that the majority of users are still women, despite increasing participation on the part of fathers in childcare, and in play and educational activities. Although in Canada, the extension of parental leave to one year in was viewed by some as constituting considerable progress in terms of employment equality, this policy could very well further reinforce the role of mothers without having a strong influence on the participation of fathers and thus rather negatively affect the goal of professional equality.
On the other hand, Quebec, which has previously adhered to a policy of work-family balance, involving the combination of work and family and parental responsibilities, could shift towards a greater degree of conservatism or alternating between work and family. However, in the case of Quebec, the situation is somewhat ambiguous because in January , Quebec established a new parental leave plan on its territory, thus implementing a different policy from that of Canada, that is, leave is more flexible either a shorter leave with a higher income replacement rate or a longer leave with a lower income replacement rate and three weeks over the entire leave period of almost one year are reserved for fathers.
The global marketplace has increased competition among workers in both the industry and service sectors. More women are entering the labor force to maintain household income. New ways of working have changed skill requirements and increased the need for lifelong learning. Patterns of work hours have changed, becoming more irregular and in some occupations increasing dramatically. In the context of this changing employment experience, I will focus in this presentation on five forces that are contributing to tensions in work-family balance and compare the public policy approaches of the United States and Australia.
The five tensions include heath care, dual earner couples, child rearing costs and demands, working time, and workplace practices. The United States has relatively weak policy supports addressing work-family balance.
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Australia has had stronger policy supports enhanced through its award system of industrial relations. However, recent legislation overhauling industrial relations in Australia has weakened these supports. Oscar F. The maquilas have adopted new forms of productive organization, new technologies and reoriented their strategies in order to achieve higher levels of quality and flexibility in the context of unstable market conditions.
Recently, the recognition of fare trade, as a labor best practice for Multinationals in developing nations, has outlined the necessity to incorporate basic parameters that assure the incorporation of industrial safety standards, in particular the necessity of a certification that guarantees systems for the security and the health i. These standards are part of the requirements to upgrade the international competitiveness. The general goal of this research is to identify administration models and success practices in order to prevent accidents and work illnesses in the small and medium export maquila plants.
We analyses three economic activities: plastics, metal mechanics and textiles. The specific objectives are: a to establish a diagnosis of the administration models and success practices; b to develop models and practices appropriate to the size and financial conditions and c to identified strategies and promotion mechanisms to support business organizations that represent the maquilas. However, other researchers see such complementarities breaking down as globalization intensifies, whilst some have found that even in LMEs, innovation can emerge from traditional bargaining systems rather than from formal partnerships.
While resisting formal partnerships with firms, the CAW has co-operated in workplace innovation and acted as a conduit of knowledge between firms within clusters. Given these pressures, there is evidence that the CAW that it is less able to maintain an independent stance than in the past. We conclude by arguing that in the absence of strong public policies supporting collective employee voice, union roles especially in LMEs may continue to weaken and with it their ability to facilitate certain types of innovation.
The challenge for social regulation is to redefine institutions to represent emerging actors and, processes of negotiation that will yield stable agreements, and a framework of rights and responsibilities that encourages equitable collaboration. Workshops 3.
Workshop 3. In , the Employment Contracts Act ECA was made law and among its various provisions was a ban on compulsory unionism and the permitting of individual contracts of employment. Prior to this legislation, restructuring and layoffs during the late s had resulted in a dramatic decline in union membership and consequently, opposition to the ECA was both weak and ineffective.
Despite some pressure on the government to change the legislation, the ECA survived until with the enactment of the Employment Relations Act which now includes standard requirements to bargain in good faith. We supplement our discussion with a presentation of results from three surveys of New Zealand employers conducted in , and The linchpin of this system was that minimum wages and terms and conditions of employment were largely, but not wholly determined at the sectoral level of the relevant industry. Although changes occurred in the 's, the system was still based upon statutory labour relations commissions settling disputes over minimum labour standards via conciliation - and in those few instances where conciliation failed - by final and binding interest arbitration.
The Howard federal Government's new Work Choices laws which commenced in March have altered Australia's labour law landscape by abolishing the remaining vestiges of conciliation and arbitration. Instead, the new regime places individual agreement-making over and above all forms of collective representation.
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In this brief presentation, I shall analyze these changes and shall unpack the practical operation of these new Work Choices laws. Changes in labour law in Australia in rolled back some recently won work and family gains which assisted many workers including the low paid and women. Further, the round of changes has reduced their capacity to voice their working time preferences with real effect.
This article describes large-scale successful and unsuccessful legal and historical precedents for Fair Exchange, comparing their virtues and drawbacks on issues of equity acquisition and distribution, community impact on corporate governance, and their local social and economic impacts. It provides model local, state and federal legislation, which could also be used in global trade agreements. It discusses the complex problem of quantifying non-financial but very real community benefits for the existing precedents, community benefit agreements, and proposed fair exchange models. It proposes basic metrics for some community benefits.
It describes the creation of a Community Trust network including a mutual fund and voting trust agreements to enable thousands of local community trusts to pool resources, diversify their investment portfolios, and increase their impact on corporate governance in conjunction with pension and socially responsible investment funds. A policy conference, devoted to discussion of this paper, was held at George Washington University Law School in October Faced with the inability of state-based legal frameworks to regulate globally active companies, and the failure to establish meaningful international labour regulation by linking trade agreements with observance of labour standards, we propose to explore a new road opening wide; one based on a CSR approach to labour regulation.
By strategically reimagining labor activism, globally conscious local organizers are expanding the range of answers to the question of what kind of globalization will eventually predominate. The first part of the article outlines the provisions of international human rights law, many ratified by the United States, which require states to provide means of subsistence and work with dignity to all their people. The foundation of this approach is linking local workplace and community organizing for the rights and agency of marginalized people to transnational change networks.
The paper explores the efficacy of three divergent but complementary strategic manifestations of this framework. These approaches include 1 resuscitating economic human rights law enforcement through strategic application wedded to social movement organizing, 2 reinvigorating the labor movement through concrete struggles to build genuine transnational solidarity, and 3 applying lessons learned from the struggles and successes of the first two elements of the triad to articulate alternative policies and institutions.
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The paper concludes with four active unifying principles for diverse movements to reframe economic human rights discourse and build effective transnational mass movements for egalitarian change. In the area surrounding Miami, Florida a "globalized city" with a high immigrant population and extensive financial and trade relations especially with Latin America , a variety of community organizations have grown in the past decade to address problems of workers and their families at the workplace and in the community. This paper dubs them "social justice infrastructure" organizations and explores their interrelationships and relationships with the labor movement.
Implications of this phenomenon are explored. Changes in the world of work have heightened concerns both about which workers should be deemed essential, and what dispute resolution procedure should substitute for the right to strike for these workers. The goal of this paper is to contribute to this debate and provide a platform for discussion of potential reforms by analyzing the different regimes governing essential services.